The best way to know the self is feeling oneself at the moments of reckoning. The feeling of being alone, just with your senses, may lead you to think more consciously. More and more of such moments may sensitize ‘you towards you’, towards others. We become regular with introspection and retrospection. We get ‘the’ gradual connect to the higher self we may name Spirituality or God or just a Humane Conscious. We tend to get a rhythm again in life. We need to learn the art of being lonely in crowd while being part of the crowd. A multitude of loneliness in mosaic of relations! One needs to feel it severally, with conscience, before making it a way of life. One needs to live several such lonely moments. One needs to live severallyalone.

Wednesday, 13 July 2016


The precedent says no.

Simply, because it has been the political culture in India.

Because the reactions from the BJP leaders today said so. Let’s see what some of them said.

Ravi Shankar Prasad, Law Minister - "We are yet to get the order. We will study it in detail... and then make structured response. We will do a structured examination of the order. It requires detailed consideration. We will carefully study the judgement and its implications." (PTI)

Shrikant Sharma, BJP national secretary - “It is a strange SC order as it asks the person with a majority to sit in Opposition and the one with minority support to run the government.”

“We are yet to get the answer.” – “We will do a structured examination of the order.”

Obsolete answers on the worn-out lines!

And add to it the element of oddity that tells us why there isn’t going to be much change on the ground – in terms of bringing elements of the austere politics (well, did I say austere?).

Another BJP response says the ‘SC order strange”. So, it is a direct question and implies that the party may accept as it has come from the Supreme Court, it will not accept it in practice – when it comes to desisting from the practices that an Arunachal Pradesh or an Uttarakhand political crisis present.

Moreover – the game is still wide open. The Nabam Tuki government will have to prove its majority and the wave can take any form – given the fact the next round is going to be fought around the ‘disqualification’ issue of the 14 rebel Congress MLAs.

And the whole issue may again come to the top court.

But can Congress cry foul or can take the moral high ground that it is claiming today?

Congress was always notorious for dismissing/sacking elected governments in states and the party has exercised/exploited these option innumerable times during its long reign in India – some 55 years of India’s 68 independent years.

And like the Congress party is complaining now – is crying now – all those parties did so when their governments were thrown out of the power.

So, in a way, it should be kind of sweet revenge – that Congress is facing something that it so conveniently did when it had the power.

A very famous poem that is taught in school curriculum says that those who have seen defeats in life can only know the taste of victory.

And it applies to the both parties here – the state run by BJP led NDA government in Centre and the states run by Congress governments – first Arunachal Pradesh, now Uttarakhand – and there are murmurs of same fate about Himachal Pradesh and Manipur.

Going by the poem, and going by the proverbial wisdom, Congress is now facing the brunt of defeats, first electorally, and now in the name of the Constitution, and we should rightly expect that it will do all to taste the sweet ‘taste’ of victory once it regains the power in Delhi – either in 2019 or some other time.

But first about the erstwhile losers – or the parties that have had very little say in running the affairs of India – and except BJP, the only party that has had so far only any full-term government (in fact, only single full-term government) – will certainly be feeling more ‘justified’ in exercising this Constitutional provision while running the country with their government installed in Delhi.

Because, when it was its term, even Congress was always constitutionally right – irrespective of what the common sense’ political wisdom said – irrespective of what the experts said – and irrespective of what the Constitutional custodians, the courts, said.